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Extracts:
The past three months has seen such a flurry of activity and controversy never
seen before in Srilanka, since the signing of the Indo-Srilanka pact by Rajiv
Gandhi and J.R.Jayawardene. At that time many openly opposed the treaty because
it was an exercise to demonstrate and satisfy the geopolitical need. Several
clauses in the treaty, which for months was kept secret, clearly demonstrated
the designs India had on the Port of Trincomalee in particular and other ports
and airports in the Northeast in general.
Most of the experts have eloquently highlighted the havoc Sethusamudram canal
would wreck on the environment, flora and fauna of not only the Gulf of Mannar,
but also the entire Bay of Mannar, and Western coastline, from Puttlam to
Colombo. Fertile fishing grounds in Mannar, Puttlam, Chilaw, and Negombo would
be totally destroyed.
Other marine related damages have been illustrated in great detail, which would
have an impact not only on about 50,000 Sri Lankan fishermen, but others
connected with the fishing industry, resulting in substantial unemployment or
underemployment contributing to poverty. Sri Lanka will have to increase the
amount of fish imported to the country at great expense. The GOM is 275 km wide
and 160 km long. This would be an ECOSIDE of the environment. Environmental
organizations and recognized NGO's such as MANITHAM India, Eco Law, EFL, Green
Peace movement are carefully studying the impacts of the Sethusamudram canal
projects and course of actions.
The affects on Agriculture, in the Northern Province is also a major concern, as
the dredging would have a catastrophic effect on the water table, and increasing
the salinity content of the drinking and irrigational water. This would have a
drastic economic factor, destroying the livelihood of many farmers. Both these
negative impacts would have a serious effect on the production of food, and
marine products, thereby affecting the GDP of the country as well as increasing
the unemployment especially in related activities. The lobbyist who protested
the Noricholai Coal projects are strangely silent either due to ignorance of the
consequential damages, and or being silenced by UNP lobbies.
The potential damage to the Northern, and Western coastline due to a marine
accident, or general pollution on a daily basis is also a serious concern. This
also would have an effect very detrimental to our beaches, including sea erosion
and pollution. The sad part of all this is that politicians and officials in
power today in Colombo, who could make a positive impact to protect Sri Lanka,
would be dead and gone or retired, when the serious damages are impacting Sri
Lanka.
85 per cent of the transshipment cargo handled in the Port of Colombo is Indian
container business. With the construction of the canal and development of the
several ports in both the East and West coasts of India as container ports, the
port of Colombo will most likely loose a major part of that business, which
would have a drastic affect on the economics of the port of Colombo. Instead of
being a hub port, Colombo would become a feeder port for both export and import
containers, with the development of the Ports of Vallarpadam in Kerala, and
Tuticorin and Chennai in Tamil Nadu. Port of Singapore Authority (PSA) has been
contracted, quietly managing the container operations in Tuticorin. We
confidentially learn that PSA are getting ready for some major expansion in the
next 4-5 years no sooner the canal project begins. The port of Chennai,
Vizagapattnam and Calcutta are making serious efforts in modernizing, in order
to have direct or feeder services to the Far East or feeder services to
Singapore for their container cargo. India would bypass Colombo to transship the
containers, and there is no other container port conveniently located in the
eastern seaboard of India or the Bay of Bengal, other than Trincomalee, which is
in the same condition of development since independence.
It is crystal clear that no prudent financiers would bank roll the huge
Hambantota or Galle project, as the return on investment would be a great risk.
As a matter of fact with or without a canal these two projects have been an
illusion in the minds of politicians who have fought ferociously for the
Southern Singhala vote. These are what one would call the "Pork BELLY Projects"
in the US congressional terms. Hambantota project is like the "reinvention of
the wheel" when Sri Lanka within its own territory locates the largest unused
natural harbor in the world.
Trincomalee is not only blessed with excellent
deep-port area, but thousands of acres of adjoining hinterland, which is
presently unused, and is ideal for warehousing, storage of containers, and other
shipping activities. Above all the disciplined and hard working human resources
far exceed the competition any nation in Asia could put forward.
The container business Colombo could potentially loose could easily be
recuperated and captured by Sri Lanka having a second container port within
months, at 20 per cent of the cost of recreating a new harbor on any coastline.
3 consecutive maritime nations for centuries from 1500 AD, never considered
Hambantota as a harbor. The Portuguese, Dutch, British, and the French, used
only Galle and Trincomalee as their ports, and fought many battles with each
other for the ownership and use of the port. The British had the best use of the
Trincomalee Port for nearly 150 years, especially during the Second World War,
when the entire British Navy in the Indian Ocean could be accommodated. Trinco
became the headquarters of the British Armed forces under Lord Mount-batten. If
the private investors wish to develop the port of Galle or Hambantota they
should be permitted to do so without risking the 20 million Srilankans meager
resources.
This paper is not designed to condemn one port, and praise the virtues of the
other. This is about the 21st century geo-politics, sovereignty of Sri Lanka,
and commercial viability, prosperity, territorial integrity and independence of
Sri Lanka as a nation. Most of us have not yet comprehended the true reasons
behind the SS Canal project suddenly sprung on Tamil Nadu to their great
delight, and Sri Lanka to their great shock and awe. There are no benefits to
Sri Lanka except some misled politicians daydreams, of the land bridge across
the Gulf of Mannar.
The Indian authorities are covertly buying the
support of University Professors to sing the praise to the high heavens of
disused little ports in the North would benefit commercially from the canal.
These individuals have no idea whatsoever about international shipping or
commerce, but they are simply "Singing for their Supper", competing with other
Tamil politicians in Sri Lanka who themselves are well known to sing for their
own supper in Colombo. One cannot take them seriously and there would be many
others coming out of the woodwork to sing their support of the Indian project.
The Tamil foreign Minister of Srilanka is heading the SSCP committee appointed
by the cabinet, as well as being the most important adviser of the Sri Lankan
President.
India, with such a huge economy, never provides cabinet approval so fast for
spending a billion dollars without proper feasibility reports completed,
including the environmental impact report. This project would be the only
project where over a billion dollars has been approved, and the cabinet is now
awaiting many reports to ratify the project. Even prior to that, the nodal
agency has been formed and head quartered in Chennai, and the canvassing among
Tamil Nadu politicians as to who will head the project under the DMK Minister of
shipping has begun. Contrary to the popular belief, this project is neither a
commercially prudent one, nor it is to placate the passions of Tamil Nadu
politicians.
It is hilarious to see all politicians are claiming credit for the project to
win the hearts and minds of the Tamil Nadu voters, despite the fact that half a
million fisherman might be seriously impacted by this project and would become
unemployed, or under employed. The other quarter million people affected due to
the indirect ramifications of the fishing industry affected, does not concern
the Tamil Nadu authorities, and Delhi. Their private arguments are that the net
loss of employment would be mitigated with the increase in jobs with the
shipping and canal project, but the real benefit is to the security and defense
of India. To understand and comprehend the geopolitical and military
implications of the GOI it is paramount to study recent public statements, and
historical facts. Take a look of what the Naval Chief of staff Admiral Arun
Prakash recently said.
The 21st century is going to be a maritime century.'' because of the imperatives
of globalization and the consequent growth of sea-borne trade, of energy
security and outgrowing dependence on maritime resources. He added that "while
we have no wish to dominate anyone, we need to ensure that nobody else is in a
position to dictate terms to us.'' Do we trust or believe him? He, however,
pointed out that a capable Navy was only one element of a maritime power. Large
merchant fleet, modern ports with good infrastructure, a vibrant, efficient and
self-reliant shipbuilding industry along with its supporting technical staff
were vital ingredients needed for the emergence of the nation as a maritime
power.
India built super computers when America prohibited sale of critical technology.
It developed homegrown nuclear bomb, telecom satellites, Preethvi and Agni
missiles when embargos and prohibition was the order of the day.
Quoting from a lengthy recent report from the
prestigious 'Tamil Net' editor, Mr. Sivaram [a] Taraki, on the strategic,
geopolitical and military policies of India, is as follows. [Quote]
"Advocating that the "Indian Ocean must remain truly Indian", the architect of
the Indian Naval doctrine Panikkar and K B Vaidya a popular Indian author, in
his work - 'The Naval Defence of India'. State "Even if we do not rule the waves
of all the five oceans of the world, we must at least rule the waves of the
Indian Ocean". They further emphasized that India must be supreme and undisputed
power over the waters of the Indian Ocean. He argued for the creation of three
self-sufficient and full-fledged fleets to be stationed at the Andamans in the
Bay of Bengal, at Trincomalee in Ceylon and at Mauritius guarding the western
and eastern approaches to the Indian Ocean in the early years.
However, until the seventies India was largely pre-occupied with the defense and
security of its mainland and invested little in naval power. Two events at the
time jolted defense planners in Delhi to take a more serious view of the Indian
Ocean neighborhood in terms of India's security.
One was the acquisition of Diego Garcia by the US and the other was America's
decision to send the aircraft carrier USS Enterprise to the Bay of Bengal in
December 1971 in a show of support for Pakistan during the Bangladesh war.
India, with the support of its ally USSR, began a campaign for a nuclear free
Indian Ocean. The campaign was aimed at preventing the US from developing Diego
Garcia into a major base for nuclear weapons. Sri Lanka supported India during
the Non Aligned Movement summit in Colombo in 1976 to adopt a resolution
criticizing the US for developing a nuclear weapons base in Diego Garcia.
However, New Delhi's naval ambitions remained somewhat muted until the fall of
the Soviet Union, which had provided a safety umbrella to India in the larger
Indian Ocean theatre. But today India feels that it has to defend itself on its
own. In recent years the importance of sea-lane security has become paramount in
the thinking of Indian naval strategists. New Delhi's plans for rapid economic
growth depended of safe, uninterrupted supply of energy to feed the country's
burgeoning industry and fast expanding automobile market.
The Strategic Defense Review of Indian Navy, published in 1998, stipulated four
specific tasks for the immediate future:
1) Sea based deterrence
2) Economic and Energy security
3) Forward presence and
4) Naval diplomacy.
The above four tasks are interconnected.
New Delhi has been able to postpone massive investments in a blue water navy by
developing the natural forward defenses in either side of peninsular India - in
the Lakshadweep Islands in the Arabian Sea and the Andaman and Nicobar Islands
in the Bay of Bengal. The Malacca Straits is the second busiest sea-lane in the
world. And most of the ships approach the Straits through the 10-degree channel,
which bisects the Andaman Islands from the Great Nicobar Islands. Therefore
Delhi has made huge investments in developing its forward military presence on
the islands as it gives it dominance over the second busiest sea-lane choke
point. The strategic importance of the islands has been a historical fact.
During negotiations for India's independence, the Muslim League demanded that
the Andaman Islands should be an integral part of Pakistan for geographical and
strategic reasons. It must also be pointed out that sections in the British
Defense establishment wanted the islands to be detached from India. They wanted
the Andaman and Nicobar Islands to be made into a separate Crown Colony, which
would, in turn, safeguard the strategic interests of the far-flung British
Empire. However, this did not materialize due to stout opposition from Nehru who
had close friendship and support of both the Mountbatten's on the matter. The
responsibility for the security of the Bay of Bengal, including Andaman and
Nicobar Islands, and also the waters extending to the six littoral states in the
region - Bangladesh, Myanmar, Thailand, Malaysia, Indonesia and Sri Lanka - was
vested for a long time with the Indian Navy's Eastern Naval Command based in
Visakhapatnam.
In August 1998, New Delhi decided to establish a Far Eastern Marine Command at
Port Blair in Andaman, independent of operational control from Visakhapatnam.
The idea was modified in favor of a Joint Service Command in 2001. The Command
will be headed by the three Services in rotation and will function directly
under the Chief of Defense Staff of the Indian armed forces. There are plans in
Delhi to develop Port Blair as a strategic international trade center and for
building an oil terminal and trans- shipment port in Campal Bay (Great Nicobar
islands) to cater to increasing maritime trade in the region.
India, while consolidating its forward position and grip on the entrance of the
Malacca Strait, ensured that no external power could dominate the vital sea-lane
further southwest in the Bay of Bengal by signing the Indo-Sri Lanka Agreement (ISLA)
in 1987. The Letters of Exchange in the ISLA preclude anyone except India from
using Trincomalee - a strategic port necessary for dominating the sea-lanes that
emanate from the Malacca choke point. India is insisting on similar conditions
to provide 500 million Indian rupees financial assistance to repair and
reconstruct the Jaffna airport. (Palaly). According to Delhi watchers this
condition was not a surprise to anyone.
However, China since the late eighties quietly
moved to develop safe line of energy supply from the Persian Gulf to the South
China Sea set off alarm bells in Delhi. India appears to fear this line of
supply defined by the strategic facilities that China has developed along this
route could give Beijing naval advantage in the region. This concern should be
seen in the light of the fact that China has developed naval facilities on the
Greater Cocos Island, which is part of the Andaman Archipelago but belongs to
Myanmar.
China has built a naval base in Bandar Abbas on Iran's coast on the northern
side of the Hormuz Strait in the Persian Gulf. Further east on the Pakistan
coast China is building a dual-purpose naval facility in Gwador. The next stop
on this line of supply is Maldives and Sri Lanka.
China negotiated a deal with Maldives from 1999 to build a base in Marao one of
the largest islands of the 1192 atolls that make up Maldives. It lies 40
kilometers from Male. The base deal was finalized after two years of
negotiations when Chinese PM Zhu Rongji visited Male on 17 May 2001 on his four
nations South Asian tour.
The Marao base will not be operational until 2010. Beijing will use Marao Island
for 25 years on fee-paying lease. An Indian defense reporter, sounding the alarm
at the time, wrote: "Coral islands make fine submarine pens. The People's
Liberation Army - Navy (PLAN) proposes to deploy nuclear submarines fitted with
sea launched Dong Feng 44 missiles and ballistic missiles in Marao. [Unquote]
The dangers posed by the SSC project, clearly violates the mandates of UN Law of
Sea Convention, 1982. Which would be at issue if Sri Lanka decides to exercise
its sovereignty and territorial integrity, as it keeps regularly talking about
it, when it comes to the negotiations with the Tamils?
- Part II, Section 2, Article 6 deals with Reefs, Article 10 speaks about Bays.-
Part V, Article 61 - Conservation of the living resources, Article 64 - Highly
Migratory species.- Part V, Article - 65 and Part VII, Section 2, Article 120
also speaks on Marine Mammals.- Part VII, Section 2, Article 116 speaks on
fishing rights.
- Part XI, Section 2, Article 145 and Article 237 emphasizing that protection of
Marine Environment is obligatory. In the same part Article 146 urges the need
for protecting the Human life, Article 149 and Part XVI, Article 303 both deals
with Archaeological and historical objects.- Part XIII, Section 3, Article 254
dealt with Rights of neighboring land-locked and geographically disadvantaged
States. Sri Lankan legal experts in maritime law need to provide the necessary
opinion to the GOSL committee appointed by the President.
- Part XI, Article 169 - before implementation [of the SSCP], consultation
should be held with Independent International NGO's on this project for perfect
clearance in all forms and terms. On these criteria, Sri Lanka should insist on
'Independent International Experts' to be permitted to provide a fair report on
SSCP, after careful study. (MANITHAM REPORT)
On the Energy security, India has already moved into Trincomalee, and captured
the 99 oil storage tanks, hundreds of acres of strategic land, and part of the
port. Details of the lease of the oil tanks are still shrouded with mystery,
secrecy and payments for the lease, if any remains undisclosed. Now India wants
to make Trincomalee a bunkering hub, selling retail bunkers to foreign ships,
fishing trawlers, and servicing their own expanding navy in perpetuity pro bono.
In other words India already has a naval base in Trincomalee to be utilized at
their discretion without any interference from the GOSL.
This would be in direct competition with Hambantota if ever the project begins
and more significantly is ever completed. Would India promote and assist the
Hambantota project in any manner when the GOI owned LIOC has vested commercial
interest in the bunkering and other facilities in Trincomalee Port? It would be
a total disadvantage for the SLPA or some private operator to compete in the
bunkering business with a giant like GOI owned LIOC operating from the Port of
Trincomalee. Large vessels using the SSC proceeding to the Bay of Bengal, Europe
or Far East would have the opportunity to Bunker in Trincomallee, and if cargo
handling facilities such as cranes, barges and warehouses are available even use
the port for it's cargo operations in the future.
Another hidden agenda of the SSCP is the potential of Oil and Gas being
available for exploration in the Gulf of Mannar. With the oil prices rising
daily and possibly reaching $60 per barrel before the year-ends, the gulf is
ready to be explored and exploited as a future source of energy provider. With
all the equipment available after the dredging just a few miles away, the bio
diversity destroyed, Cauvery basin already generating oil, there won't be any
hurdles to overcome for the Indians to explore for energy in that region.
GOI would ensure foreign oil companies have no chance in bidding for exploration
rights. Over the years the oil revenue itself would pay for the entire cost of
the SSCP, and most of the benefit will remain in India with Sri Lanka or the
Tamil Province of Northeast (Whatever it is named in the future) receiving
hardly any benefit in the event of windfall oil profits. There is every
intention of Delhi to deprive and deny any and all benefit from oil and gas
revenues, which legitimately belongs to the people of that region and Srilanka.
India is determined to keep the European and American oil companies out of Sri
Lanka, and secure the maximum benefits out of the future oil and gas finds in
the Gulf of Mannar. India would only increase it's strangle hold on Sri Lanka's
economy in general and the Energy sector in particular.
Therefore the underlying reasons for the SSCP is the military advantage,
geopolitical need and greed, and energy security which all fits into the Indian
Naval doctrine carefully planned, clearly thought, and systematically documented
many years ago. Now it is being executed with surgical precision and undue
haste.
It is crystal clear that Sri Lanka has been caught in deep slumber. The Delhi
and Chennai high commission are guilty of not being alert to these moves, which
has been well known in both Chennai and Delhi political circles. Sri Lanka's
Ambassador in Delhi has been there for several years and is a veteran. Sri Lanka
should show some independence from India but due to poor economic policies and
lack of liquid assets has become totally dependent on India. This would only
ruin the future of Sri Lanka, but making it nothing but a welfare state of
India.
Come hell or high water, India is determined to bulldoze this project down Sri
Lanka's slender throat. Delhi will receive all the support from Tamil Nadu
politicians, who will be prepared to suppress any dissent, as well as they hope
to receive popularity among the voters. The complexity of shipping and return on
the $2 Billion investment is not a priority for India. Whether small Islands in
the North West of Sri Lanka submerges under water, the North becomes saline,
Fishermen and Farmers loose their livelihood, several others loosing their
employment, Colombo port loosing its major business and importance, is no
concern to India.
It is essential to highlight to India the much hyped saving of time and fuel is
only a fallacy. The 21st century ships averaging 15 Knots, will take about 24-28
hours to circumnavigate Sri Lanka from Bombay or the Persian Gulf. From the
Malacca straights it would be much less. DMK Minister of Shipping and other
Indian journalist fail to comprehend that transiting the Sethusamudram Canal
would involve time at very slow speeds, and would require additional services
such as pilotage, tugs, as well as expenses such as canal transit dues, tonnage
dues, pilotage fees, and Shipping agency fees. During Northeast monsoon the
delays for transiting the canal could be substantial. That bay is also subject
to cyclonic effects such as in 1964 when Dhanushkodi was submerged under the
ocean and remains submerged. Constant dredging of the canal would be necessary
at additional costs to India.
Maritime accidents resulting in serious pollution is a distinct possibility. If
war breaks out in Sri Lanka or India in the future ships could come under
deliberate attack from the warring parties, or accidental damages could occur to
merchant ships from outside naval forces or missiles. This would increase
further the cost of Insurance for ships transiting the canal.
The time saved might be very minimal, or even delays could cause more time
utilized, additional costs for ship owners, ships prone to accidents transiting
the canal with other ships, fishing vessels, or grounding. Strikes or labor
unrest, which India is usually troubled with, and weather related delays, also
could pose a problem.
Contrary to popular belief the average size of tankers transporting crude oil
from the Persian Gulf to the Far East or US West coast are 150,000 tons. The
average size of Container Mother Vessels even now is over 40,000 tons. The next
generation container vessels would be over 60,000 tons. None of these ships
would be able to transit the Sethusamuderam Canal, which only a few in Delhi are
aware of but decided to keep it under wraps until the project gets into full
gear.
The port of Trincomalee without any present or future dredging, expensive
breakwaters like that is needed in Tuticorin, Colombo or Hambantota can
accommodate easily what the 21st century ship builders can accomplish or what
the shipping trade requires.
Therefore in terms of cargo volume quite a substantial portion of the cargo will
be forced to bypass the canal, as well as Colombo and Hambantota. Only smaller
ships going to the Bay of Bengal, where most of the ports are "River Ports" with
severe draft and tide restrictions would transit the canal, albeit without
saving of time or money. It is incumbent upon India to carefully study how
prudent this 1 or 2 Billion dollars are going to be for commercial reasons. But
if the purpose of the canal is to build a safe haven Naval base, surrounded by
two landmasses, as well as a sub marine and missile base for the 21st century
then the SSCP becomes a priceless project. That is India's prerogative, but
should not damage or cause any damage to Sri Lanka and its flora, fauna or its
people. It also should not cause havoc to the ocean or seabed in the Gulf of
Mannar or the Indian Ocean. That violates the Law of the Sea Convention rules,
as well as neighborly conduct. In the 21st century no nation can disregard
International treaties and environmental issues even if land or water areas are
within their own territorial borders.
Srilanka needs to question itself what can be done to counter the negative
impact and possible disastrous economic consequences of the SSCP. As a matter of
fact with Defense pacts being considered, and the possibility of another war in
the near future, Sri Lanka might hand over the defense duties and
responsibilities once again to India soon. Our only answer is to develop the
ports and airports of Trincomalee, and KKS independent of India.
Commence and complete a peace agreement with the Tamils with the establishment
of the ISGA as soon as possible. If there is peace with the Tamils, investment
in billions of dollars would pour into Trincomalee and the rest of Sri Lanka,
for the Free Trade Zones, and Industrial Zones. Over 100 hundred-tourist hotels
can be constructed with the establishment of the ISGA and dawning of "real"
peace in the Northeast.
Elevated "toll" coastal highways can be constructed with minimum investment and
expenditure to the GOSL. Seafood production, Commercial Agriculture and Dairy
production will increase significantly, contributing to the increase in the GDP,
and prosperity. KKS can produce 2 million tons of cement with the lime stone raw
materials readily available in Jaffna, thus saving that quantity of cement being
imported from India and generating employment both direct and indirect, and
related cement based industries.
GOSL cannot be afraid of the development of Trincomalee. The two most successful
industries in Sri Lanka are located in the port of Trinco. The chauvinistic and
racist argument that the Tamils will get all the jobs would prove fatally
flawed. If Prima Singapore or Mitsui's Tokyo Cement were contacted they would
confirm 75 per cent of the employees are Singhalese and Muslims. With such
development in the Trincomalee district the main Singhalese parties would
essentially increase their representation in parliament by 100 per cent. The
past 20 years the Tamil MP's in the Trinco district has been a maximum of two.
KKS can immediately commence operations and produce 2 million tons of cement
with their own raw material. A coal generating plant could be set up in both KKS
and Trincomalee to generate the power requirements once the ISGA is established.
International communication could be improved in the north and the east very
quickly. All the bulk cement facilities in the port of Colombo can be easily and
economically handled in Trinco thus freeing those berths and space for container
operations. Similarly nearly a million tons of break bulk cargo can be handled
in Trinco instead of Colombo. SLPA will earn more money from the Trinco
operations than with P and O's SAGT in QEQ without loosing it's investment of 30
years, as well as loss of income due to SAGT's arrival.
With the second International Airport there would be a true National Airline
once again emerging, as well as increase in domestic carriers, and a true hub
airport to service the region. Both airport and port would not compete with
Colombo, as many are paranoid and fearful about, but can compliment each other
and expand the business. Colombo streets would become less congested and
polluted, and a lot of warehouse space, Container freight Station space would
become quickly available for better revenue generating projects.
The treasury or government agencies (SLPA or SLAA) can maintain part ownership,
as well as there would be participation from the big business groups that would
ensure the profits remaining in Srilanka. With commercial trawling based from
Point Pedro, Trincomalee and Mullaitheevu, export of marine products both by
Air, and Sea would increase many fold. Even cruise ships would soon call
Trincomalee, with duty free complexes like in Singapore and Dubai being
established for both Indian and other tourist.
Our own regional cruise ships can operate to cater for the millions of Indian,
Maldives and domestic tourist. Ferries can operate between Srilanka and India.
Air sea packages would be made available like in the carribean, between Southern
India and Trincomalee. Ferries would regularly operate in addition to RO/RO
vessels and container feeder vessels if necessary.
Foreign investment from the Tamil Diaspora also would be guaranteed if the
Trincomalee and KKS districts were permitted to be developed by the private
sector. Billionaire investors Tamil expatriates and many other millionaires, as
well as South Asian companies would be encouraged to invest more in Sri lanka.
The former Prime Minister permitted a group of US based consortium to commence a
feasibility study to develop Trincomalee last year. This group in association
with a group of Colombo based investors had already obtained permission from the
Tamils, for the project, which the GOSL and the US embassy was aware of. This
same group had several discussions with the GOSL on the second International
Airport to be located in Trincomalee providing numerous valid reasons.
Unfortunately the committee, which was set up to select the location, did not
even consider the Trincomalee location as an alternative for unknown or
unexplained reasons. Ratna Seevaratnam a retired Tamil businessman headed this
committee with three other Tamils with whom private discussions were held. He
did not even inform the other members of the committee about the discussions,
communications, and correspondence. The political decision was made by the GOSL
and UNP to locate the second airport in the South.
There was also an experienced Australian based organization in association with
a British group recently offered a plan to develop Trincomalee as a BOI project.
This partially owned Sri Lankan group is anxiously awaiting a response to this
offer for the past few months. Both these groups are prepared to pool their
resources collectively to commence the project and make the development a
reality. The projected investment is around $500 million dollars over 5-7 years
period with 50,000 employments to the district of Trincomalee and adjoining
districts such as Pollonoruwa and Anuradhapura. Trincomalee would become the
Hongkong or Singapore of South Asia, the Dubai of the Persian Gulf or the
Switzerland or Europe. We lost that opportunity in 1977 under J R Jayawardene
and the civil war of 1983.
If not, all the investment would move into Tamil Nadu, as the industrial zones
similar to China, would be created there. Shipping and Aviation opportunities
would increase many hundred folds in Tamil Nadu. The FTA with India has
increased the trade in balance in favor of India in a significant manner. Small
industries would be wiped out in Sri Lanka if we do not change our policies.
I dread to imagine the consequences and ramifications of the failure of the
Peace process. Due to myopic and racially motivated, chauvinistic policies of
the GOSL, ports in Trinco, Point Pedro, Mannar and KKS would remain. Due to the
security situation even India would be forced to postpone it's activity in
Trincomalee and KKS, as well as any oil exploration in the Gulf of Mannar. The
future of the SSCP will also be in jeopardy, as the Palk Bay would become as
area of conflict.
The security situation in Colombo would become untenable, the safety of VIP's
insecure and uncertain, insurance premiums sky rocketing and the stock market
diving to new lows. There would be minimal FDI, real estate market depreciating,
and tourism vanishing with only empty hotel rooms or damaged hotels and
buildings to show.
The world has witnessed what is happening in Iraq, with the most powerful
military in the world. The death, injuries, and destruction are tearing the
American nation apart. Sri Lanka has seen and experienced such horrible
conditions in the past 21 years. Only in the past 3 years that Sri Lanka has
experienced steady peace conditions, thanks to the ceasefire agreement signed by
the UNP and the LTTE. Thankfully the ceasefire is still holding under trying
conditions despite the change in government in April 2004. Indian military would
not get again like in 1987 to fight GOSL's battles even with a defense agreement
being signed. The Indian politicians have learnt from their previous mistakes
and experience.
For the sake of Peace and Prosperity to Sri Lanka, and to safeguard the
sovereignty and integrity I would urge the GOSL to carefully consider this
document in the spirit it is written. My only desire is overwhelmingly to see a
permanent peace prevailing in Sri Lanka. We cannot permit Sri Lanka to turn into
a Biafra war of the sixties in Nigeria.
There is a wealth of information and material available with a research
department and think tank based in the USA, well connected to the Diaspora not
only in the USA, but also in Canada, Europe, and Australia.
In conclusion if GOSL are unable to prevent the SSCP they can at least negotiate
some compensation for the affected civilians and regions, and ensure protection
of the environment and prosperity of the nation. Sufficient safeguards,
developmental plan for the next 10 years, as well as compensatory device should
be set in motion to ensure the provinces and people who are affected should be
adequately compensated financially for their losses and other damages. Some of
the suggestions are as follows:
1. Compensation Insurance Fund for the Fisherman if they loose their income and
livelihood. This fund should be used to indirect beneficiaries of all those who
are affected by the fisheries. Alternate vocational training for them and
educational facilities especially in the Mannar district and the Northern
Island.
2. Similar fund for the farmers. Additionally a desalinity plant converting Sea
Water to Fresh water in Point Pedro area one fourth the size of what India is
building in Madras. Funds for rain water harnessing and irrigation tanks in the
Killinochi, Mannar, and Mulaitheevu district, as well as the Thondamannar
causeway to be allocated by GOI and GOSL and other donor nations.
3. Some compensation Insurance fund for environmental damage, and pollution
damage for the Gulf of Mannar, and the Northern Beaches.
4. Funds to develop the Ports of KKS, Point Pedro, TalaiMannar, and Trincomalee
for only commercial purposes in Aid, Grant, and loans. Not for any military
purposes. (At least $200 Million dollars over 5 years).
5. New Airports in Trincomalee to be built as the Second International Airport
in Sri Lanka. GOI, to fund by way of Aid, Grant, and loans at least 50%. The
Airport to be used only for commercial purposes.
6. At least 3 Universities, 3 Junior colleges, and three vocational districts to
be built in the most affected areas.
7. No naval bases to be built in and around the SSCP canal or neighboring areas.
Sri Lanka should not be target, real or accidental in any missile or
conventional war in the 21st century due to India's military activity.
8. If oil and gas is found in the Gulf of Mannar then GOI and GOSL should
adequately compensate and ensure the province and the State equally shares the
benefits.
This way most of the potential losses, and fears could be addressed, including
the losses to the Colombo port can be compensated by way of development of the
Container and commercial port in Trincomalee, and other shipping activities in
KKS and Point Pedro, Trinco and TalaiMannar which can be used as a Fisheries and
Shipping harbor.
This way both India and Sri Lanka, can amicably resolve the SSCP problems, and
keep the DMK, LTTE, and the Indian military planners backed by the US to keep
China under check in the India Ocean power politics, under control.
Failing which Sri Lanka and the NE Province need to do whatever that is
necessary to protect and promote the best interest of its people, sovereignty,
and territorial integrity of the nation, in general and NE province in
particular. The KEY WORD here is CONSULTATION, CONSENSENSUS, COMPROMISE, and
COOPERATION.
The Tamils are prepared, ready, willing and able. India should not bite the hand
extended in friendship. Tamil Nadu cannot act selfishly only in the interest of
the people of Tamil Nadu. They need to be fair, reasonable, and just with their
immediate neighbors the Tamils of the North East Province.
/ 29-11-2004 |
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